Holger Diessel and Martin Hilpert
Until recently, theoretical linguists have paid little attention to the frequency of linguistic elements in grammar and grammatical development. It is a standard assumption of (most) grammatical theories that the study of grammar (or competence) must be separated from the study of language use (or performance). However, this view of language has been called into question by various strands of research that have emphasized the importance of frequency for the analysis of linguistic structure. In this research, linguistic structure is often characterized as an emergent phenomenon shaped by general cognitive processes such as analogy, categorization, and automatization, which are crucially influenced by frequency of occurrence.
There are many different ways in which frequency affects the processing and development of linguistic structure. Historical linguists have shown that frequent strings of linguistic elements are prone to undergo phonetic reduction and coalescence, and that frequent expressions and constructions are more resistant to structure mapping and analogical leveling than infrequent ones. Cognitive linguists have argued that the organization of constituent structure and embedding is based on the language users’ experience with linguistic sequences, and that the productivity of grammatical schemas or rules is determined by the combined effect of frequency and similarity. Child language researchers have demonstrated that frequency of occurrence plays an important role in the segmentation of the speech stream and the acquisition of syntactic categories, and that the statistical properties of the ambient language are much more regular than commonly assumed. And finally, psycholinguists have shown that structural ambiguities in sentence processing can often be resolved by lexical and structural frequencies, and that speakers’ choices between alternative constructions in language production are related to their experience with particular linguistic forms and meanings. Taken together, this research suggests that our knowledge of grammar is grounded in experience.
Young-mee Yu Cho
Due to a number of unusual and interesting properties, Korean phonetics and phonology have been generating productive discussion within modern linguistic theories, starting from structuralism, moving to classical generative grammar, and more recently to post-generative frameworks of Autosegmental Theory, Government Phonology, Optimality Theory, and others. In addition, it has been discovered that a description of important issues of phonology cannot be properly made without referring to the interface between phonetics and phonology on the one hand, and phonology and morpho-syntax on the other. Some phonological issues from Standard Korean are still under debate and will likely be of value in helping to elucidate universal phonological properties with regard to phonation contrast, vowel and consonant inventories, consonantal markedness, and the motivation for prosodic organization in the lexicon.
This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics. Please check back later for the full article.
The Dravidian languages, spoken mainly in southern India and south Asia, were identified as a separate language family between 1816 and 1856. Four of the twenty-six Dravidian languages, namely Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam, have long literary traditions, the earliest dating back to the 1st century
A typical characteristic of Dravidian, which is also an areal characteristic of south Asian languages, is that experiencers and inalienable possessors are case-marked dative. Another is the serialization of verbs by the use of participles, and the use of light verbs to indicate aspectual meaning such as completion, (self- or non-self) benefaction, and reflexivization. Subjects, and arguments in general (e.g., direct and indirect objects), may be non-overt. So is the copula, except in Malayalam.
A number of properties of Dravidian are of interest from a universalist perspective, beginning with the observation that not all syntactic categories N, V, A, and P may be primitive. Dravidian postpositions are nominal or verbal in origin. A mere thirty proto-Dravidian roots have been identified as adjectival; these include numerals, quantifiers, and demonstratives in the proximate-distal-wh series. The adjectival function is performed by inflected verbs (participles) and nouns. The nominal encoding of experiences (as fear rather than afraid/afeared), and the absence of the verb have, arguably correlates with the appearance of dative case on experiencers. “Possessed” or genitive-marked N may fulfil the adjectival function, as also noticed for languages like Ulwa (a less exotic parallel may be adduced from the English of-possessive construction; cf. circles of light, cloth/rings of gold). More uniquely perhaps, Kannada instantiates dative-marked nouns as predicative adjectives. A recent argument that Malayalam verbs may originate as dative-marked nouns suggests that N is the only primitive syntactic category, and the seminal role of dative case.
Other important aspects of Dravidian morphosyntax that have received attention are anaphors and pronouns, in particular the long-distance anaphor taan and the verbal reflexive morpheme; question (wh-) words and the question/disjunction morphemes, which combine in a semantically transparent way to form quantifier words like someone; the use of reduplication to indicate distributive quantification; and the occurrence of “monstrous agreement” (first-person agreement in clauses embedded under a speech predicate, triggered by matrix third person antecedents).
Traditionally, agreement has been considered the marker of finiteness in Dravidian. The negative morpheme assumes finite and non-finite forms; the occurrence of matrix non-finite verb forms in finite negative clauses challenges the current equation of finiteness and tense.
The Dravidian languages are standardly considered to be wh- in situ languages, but wh- words, in fact, seem to move to a pre-verbal position in the unmarked word order; the consequent, apparently rightward, movement of some wh- arguments can be avoided by assuming a universal VO order, and wh-movement to a pre-verbal focus phrase.